Longing for Ottomans

by Nadia Hijab

Released: 24 Mar 2009

Arab states are preparing for their regular summit meeting in Qatar at the end of this month by mending ties. Saudi Arabia patched up Syrian-Egyptian relations at a mini-summit, and Egypt is hosting intra-Palestinian talks.

While this is all welcome, ties appear to be unravelling at a faster pace than they can be mended. Several Arab states are miffed at reports that Iran has been invited. The Jordanian press is unhappy with the way their country’s history is being portrayed on Qatar-based Al Jazeera.

Many issues face the 22 Arab states -- local and regional conflicts, shaky economies, rapidly growing populations that need schools and jobs, water scarcity -- and all of them are exacerbated by the global economic crisis. But expectations are low: An Arab summit with reasonable participation will be deemed a success.

Is it any wonder that an Arab nationalist might think back longingly to past centuries when the Ottoman Empire held sway in much of the region?

True, back then young men had to take to the hills to hide from military conscription. The taxes were onerous, and non-Muslims had to pay a little extra to practice their religion -- wrong, to be sure, yet a better approach than the Spanish Inquisition’s. There were many pluses: It was easier for an Arab to travel around the region than it is today, and trade flourished.

There have been Arab successes in the arts, sciences, and governance. Still it is depressing to contrast Arab states with Turkey, a nation moving with confidence on the world stage.

Contrast the response to the Israeli assault on Gaza. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan called it a crime against humanity as the Arab world floundered in disarray. When Erdogan stalked off a panel to protest Israeli president Shimon Peres’ remarks at Davos, Arab leaders remained seated.

A sign of Turkey’s strength is that it hasn’t paid a price for speaking out in this way. On the contrary, its Islamist government is being avidly courted. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Turkey in March, and President Barack Obama will be visiting in April.

Why has Turkey earned the world’s respect in a way the Arabs have not? The reasons are found in the differences in Turk and Arab histories: Much of the Arab region was occupied or controlled by colonial powers -- British, French, Italian -- before and after the end of Ottoman rule; the six-decade conflict with Israel over Palestine drains Arab resources and energy; Arab oil remains a magnet for external intervention; and Turkey threw in its lot with the West -- joining NATO, preparing to join the EU.

Yet Turkey too has faced struggles: a bloody internal conflict between Turks and Kurds, a tug of war between democratic forces and the military, and a bitter divide between secularists and Islamists.

Still, Turkey is now much closer to achieving what citizens look for in a modern state: democracy, protection against external intervention, and good management of the economy.

In Arab states, elections are held with varying degrees of legitimacy but economic and political power ultimately rests with the rulers. Since leaders do not depend on popular will for their legitimacy, some actually welcome foreign intervention, weakening the Arab body politic.

When it comes to economic growth, Turkey and Egypt are roughly similar in size of population (71 million and 81 million, respectively.) There the resemblance stops. Turkey’s GDP of $930 billion is more than double Egypt’s $453 billion; it has attracted twice the foreign direct investment -- $125 billion vs. $59 billion.

Few Arab states have a population big enough to absorb current domestic production. Yet, inter-Arab trade has since the 1950s, hovered at 10% of total Arab foreign trade in spite of repeated pledges at Arab summits. Asian countries at the same level of development have been able to increase inter-Asian trade to about 35% of their total trade.

These sobering realities can and should be addressed at the upcoming Arab summit. There are some bases on which to build:

• The Arab Peace Initiative still packs a powerful diplomatic punch especially given the fallout Israel faces from its Gaza assault and the shape of its future rightwing government.

• If the region isn’t ready for the free movement of people, governments should act faster to free up the movement of goods and services.

• There is greater freedom of speech and access to information, but democratic processes -- not just elections but also transparent budgeting processes -- can no longer be resisted. A solid relationship between citizens and the state would encompass ethnic and religious diversity and overcome the sectarian splits that make it possible for foreigners to divide and rule. An internally secure Arab world would not see Iran as an enemy.

Here’s hoping the Arab summit rises to the challenge. If not, then come back Ottoman Empire, (almost) all is forgiven.

Nadia Hijab is a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Palestine Studies in Washington D.C.

Copyright © 2009 Nadia Hijab – distributed by Agence Global

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Released: 24 March 2009
Word Count: 815
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